人權演說經典篇：正義與多元文化的對話

教學方案主題：人權演說經典篇

國際教育課程主題

全球議題-正義與人權

設計理念

世界上存在多元的種族、語言與文化，族群之間或有膚色、語言、文化的差異，但是如果用「優劣」來定義解讀這些差異，經常會引發誤解衝突，甚至戰爭。自由平等是人類與生俱來的基本人權，在高唱「全球主義」的廿一世紀，正義與人權的重要性更被彰顯，因此，在既有的課程中融入正義人權的主題，教導學生認識族群的差異，學習理解、尊重、包容、欣賞來相互接納與合作，以建立一個共存共榮的和平世界，是刻不容緩的教育課題。 高三英文教科書的第六冊選錄馬丁路德金恩博士的著名演說:I Have a Dream，教導學生瞭解「正義與人權」的精神與價值。金恩博士用生動的演說技巧與精闢的內容控訴黑人被歧視，被隔離的不公，還強力地期盼黑人與白人有一天能和平共存的遠景。 馬丁路德金恩博士堅持「種族正義」(racial justice)的人權理念，具體落實於美國第一位非裔美籍總統歐巴馬的當選，為美國人權理念的發展做了最成功的印證。因此，學生延伸閱讀歐巴馬總統的就職演說，可強化他們體認人權思想，與學習高水準的演說內容與技巧。 相對於歐巴馬總統的就職演說，與金恩博士同時代的甘迺迪總統，也致力於協助黑人人權的爭取與維護，他的Ask Not What Your Country Can Do for You，被譽為20世紀最令人難忘的人權演說，更是值得學習的補充教材，甘迺迪總統對人權平等的強調，以及他說文俱佳的演講技巧，能有效地讓學生深化人權理念與提升英文能力。 透過英文閱讀與英語會話的課程，培養學生英語的表達能力，為了使課程生動活潑，特別設計「美國名人演講模仿秀」的活動讓學生演出，遂結合美容科的藝術化妝課，協助應外科的演出學生做妝扮，美容科學生因此也得以認識美國重要的人權領袖，對其堅持的正義人權思想有所瞭解；從其專業的學習來看，如何對特定政治人物的穿著造型，掌握得宜，具體呈現，也是本次統整課程的教育目的之一。 本教學設計除了接受美式人權思維的洗禮外，也期望引導學生反思台灣的人權發展，因此，設計課前學習單，拋出美國黑人與台灣原住民在稱呼上被歧視的議題，引發學生思考討論；又設計課後學習單聚焦台灣的人權奮鬥的省思，期望確實喚起學生尊重與維護不同文化群體的人權與尊嚴的意識。

融入類科與科目	應用外語科：英文閱讀、英語會話 美容科：藝術化妝
適用年級	高三年級
教學時數	48節課	設計者	三信家商吳季昭 朱源澤 王怡婷
國際教育能力指標		教學目標
4-1-1認識世界基本人權與道德責任 4-1-2瞭解並體會國際弱勢者的現象 與處境 4-2-2尊重與維護不同文化群體的人權與尊嚴		1.認知理解三位美國名人演說內容中有關正與人權的理念，增進英語閱讀、演說能力，且能深化正義人權的思想 2.因主題的需要，使用造型的專業知能，展現化妝造型的能力 3.培養尊重與維護不同族群的人權與尊嚴的意識 4.應用正義人權的思維，培養正確的人際間尊重包容的觀念與態度，實踐社會正義與責任

1. 課程設計架構圖：

2. 教學活動

1. 課程說明：

1. 目的：

1. 對應用外語科的學生而言，從導讀名人的演說內容出發，期能增進英語閱讀與演說的能力，及深化正義與人權的思想。

2. 對美容科的學生而言，從搜尋主題化妝的資料，到實際操作化妝造型的技能，期增進臨場應變的造型能力，也預期因此統整課程，增進對著名的美國人權領袖和他們所倡導的正義人權思想有所認識與了解。

2. 方式：以觀賞影片、講述、討論、引導閱讀、演講練習、化妝練習及舞台表演的方式，進行本項教學活動。

2. 教材簡介

1. 從既有的教科書及網路上，獲取三位名人的演講稿，作為閱讀的素材。

2. 從網路上獲取三位名人的演講影片，讓學生觀賞引發學習動機，提供學生練習模仿英語演說的發音、語調與技巧。

3. 依照三位名人之外表特色做整體造型的設計：

1. 從網路資料的相片和影片研究三位名人的外表特色。

2. 找尋適合的造型素材，如髮棉、髮夾、假髮片。

3. 以深淺色粉底、眉筆、深淺色蜜粉、睫毛膠、假睫毛、眼影、口紅等，做為化妝所需的工具。

4. 採用學生既有的服裝中，和三位名人的服裝相近度最高者為搭配，讓學生學會搭配的技巧。

3. 教學步驟與內容：

活動	應用外語科				美容科
	週別	英文閱讀	英語會話		藝術化妝
準備活動	第一週	說明本單元教學內容、目標、教材、教學方式與評量方式。 播放金恩博士I Have A Dream的演講影片，引發學習動機。 做「課前活動學習單」，引導學生思索人權的重要性，比較美國黑人與台灣原住民在膚色上、稱謂上所遭遇的歧視狀況。 講述金恩博士I Have A Dream演說的歷史背景，了解黑人被剝奪人權的悲慘、美國的黑奴制度、種族隔離政策、南北戰爭等歷史。 討論與說明人權自由、種族平等的意義 簡介即將閱讀的三篇演講稿 導讀與賞析馬丁路德演講稿 講解單字文法句型 做「課程中學習單」	說明本單元教學內容、目標、教材、教學方式與評量方式。 播放金恩博士I Have A Dream的演講影片，引發學習動機。 講述金恩博士的家庭背景：牧師之子，受良好教育，是黑人中的優勢家庭，影響他的性格與能力表現。 講解演說重點與表達技巧 帶領學生朗讀練習 指導學生分組(3人1組，每一人選擇一位名人的演講背誦)。		說明本單元教學內容、目標、教材、教學方式與評量方式。 做「課前活動學習單」，引導學生思索人權的重要性，比較美國黑人與台灣原住民在膚色上、稱謂上所遭遇的歧視狀況。 講述黑人被剝奪人權的悲慘、美國的黑奴制度、種族隔離政策、南北戰爭等歷史。 播放三位美國人權領袖的演講影片，引發學習動機。 作業：請學生上網搜尋三位名人的造型相片或影片，並分析其造型特色，下堂課分組報告。(學生自行分5人1組)
發展活動	第二 週	播放歐巴馬總統就職演說的影片 講述與討論歐巴馬當選美國總統的歷史意義，了解美國人權運動的歷程。 導讀賞析歐巴馬總統就職演講稿 講解單字文法句型 做「課程中學習單」 播放甘迺迪總統就職演說的影片 講述甘迺迪總統時的社會背景與他堅持的人權理念 導讀賞析美國總統約翰甘迺迪演講稿 講解單字文法句型		觀看美國總統歐巴馬就職演說影片 講述歐巴馬的背景：非洲黑人與美國白人的混血兒，教育背景，從政經驗等。 講解說明歐巴馬就職演說文的重點與表達技巧 帶領學生朗讀練習 觀看美國總統約翰甘迺迪就職演講影片 講解「美國名人演講模仿秀」的活動方式 提醒每一小組中，每一人選一位名人的一段演說背誦。	學生報告三位名人的造型特色與風格 老師講解如何擷取三位名人的造型特色與風格的元素 作業： *請學生列出三位名人的造型所需的道具與材料 *練習繪製三位名人造型設計圖
統整活動	第三 週	比較與討論金恩博士與歐巴馬總統演講內容之遣詞用字。 講解與比較三位名人演講稿間有關正義人權理念的異同處，差異背後與國家文化、時代變革的關係。 做「課後學習單」，反芻三位名人在演說中的正義人權理念，及如何應用該項理念在自我的生活中。 鼓勵學生觀賞賽德克巴萊的電影，比較該片所表達的正義人權理念與本教學單元所學者的異同。		進行「美國名人演講模仿秀」活動。 各分組推派一名學生代表，並自選一位名人模仿其演說 各小組予以評分建議。 填寫小組互評回饋單 進行錄影	各組實作名人造型的試粧練習 教室巡視各組給予適時的協助指導 協助上台演說學生角色造型裝扮 做「課後學習單」，反芻三位名人在演說中的正義人權理念，及如何應用該項理念在自我的生活中。 鼓勵學生觀賞賽德克巴萊的電影，比較該電影所表達的正義人權理念與本教學單元所學者的異同。

3. 教學評量

1. 以課前、課程中、課後學習單，及小組互評回饋單，評量個別學生自我學習的積極性，以及與團體的分工合作。

2. 最後以「美國名人演講模仿秀」的演出，評量小組的成績。

3. 學習單、小組互評回饋單，請參閱後附的附件。

4. 教學建議

1. 英文閱讀課設計學習單，內容涵括英文字彙、佳句、及省思的問題供學生提昇英語文的能力。

2. 英語會話課則採小組方式由學生自行分組，人數以三人為限，一人分飾一個角色，在課堂間練習，最後各組自行選出一位代表參加全班性的演出。

3. 為強化英語文的學習，特別為應外科的學生設計課程中學習單，該學習單內容的題目，教師可依學生的英文程度選擇適合者練習，或因教學時間的長短，也可適時地調整練習的題目。

4. 設計「小組互評回饋單」，指導學生應給予每組正向的肯定和建設性的建議。

5. 設計「學生自我學習檢視表」，引導學生檢討省思自我成長的效果。

6. 為強化學生對世界其他國度有關正義人權的認識，建議學生延伸閱讀下列人權領袖的傳記或事蹟，以了解他們的成長背景如何形塑其正義人權的思想。

   1. 馬丁路德 金恩博士的傳記

   2. 約翰 甘迺迪總統的傳記

   3. 美國林肯總統的傳記，或觀賞電影飄

   4. 南非人權領袖曼德拉的傳記事蹟，或觀賞電影哭喊自由

   5. 印度聖雄甘地的傳記事蹟

   6. 觀賞電影賽德克 巴萊

5. 教學資源

1. 參考書籍

1. 高中英文第六冊 (2009)，遠東出版社。

2. 英語會話(2009)，World Link，敦煌出版社。

3. 彩粧設計(2009)，盧芃秝，啟英出版社。

2. 網站資料

1. http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm金恩博士演說稿及影片

2. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/01/20/president-obamas-inaugura_n_159370.html歐巴馬總統就職演說稿及影片

3. http://www.guardian.co.uk/theguardian/2007/apr/22/greatspeeches甘迺迪總統演說稿及影片

6. 教學成果

1. 相片

化妝演出前演員學生和造型學生合影， 左1和右1、2是美容科學生，中3位為應外科學生	邢玉萱同學模仿約翰甘迺迪總統
我的長髮怎麼辦？造型師很厲害喔！	黃琳玲同學模仿馬丁路德金恩博士
皮膚太白怎麼塗都塗不黑，只好請老師先示範一下。	李孟剛同學模仿歐巴馬總統

7. 教學反思

1. 跨領域統整創新教學

本課程採跨領域統整不同科目的方式進行，狀似複雜，卻聚焦於同一個國際教育的課程主題，科目之間分別有彼此專業的學習內涵，統整起來時能以協助互補之姿呈現，有聲有色，堪稱創意教學的典範。

2. 深化正義與人權思維

兩科的學生均表示，藉由本課程瞭解何謂基本人權，且對非裔美國人為爭取基本人權的奮鬥歷史有較深入的認識，也明瞭歐巴馬總統的當選所彰顯的歷史意義，對於「正義與人權」的重要性有深刻的體認，也學習到人與人之間的差異，應理解與相互尊重，不該淪為歧視或衝突的藉口。

3. 提升學習興趣與效果

兩科的學生還表示，以名人演講模仿秀的方式可加深對學習內容的興趣與吸收，增進學習成效。

4. 教學模式不難值得試

跨領域統整教學的模式其實不難，能拓展學生多面向的學習視野，值得採用，唯教學前必須有務實的溝通與討論，過程中還得不斷地協調調整，使教學效果符應教學目標。

5. 觀念與技能各有斬獲

應外科的學生反應，他們在「正義與人權」觀念上的收穫，似乎高過於英文能力的提升；反之，美容科的學生卻欣喜於他們能雙邊獲益，不僅觀念與價值獲得釐清，技藝上也大有長進。

「人權演說經典篇」課前活動學習單(應外科)

A Pre-reading Worksheet for the Speeches by Martin Luther King, Barack Obama, and John Kennedy

Class：No.：Name：______________

1. Read a poem fromwww.rawfoodinfo.com

When I born, I black.
When I grow up, I black.
When I go in sun, I black.
When I cold, I black.
When I scared, I black.
When I sick, I black.
And when I die, I still black.
You white folks..
When you born, you pink.
When you grow up, you white.
When you go in sun, you red.
When you cold, you blue.
When you scared, you yellow.
When you sick, you green.
When you bruised, youpurple.
And when you die, you gray.
So who YOU calling COLORED?

2. What does the term “colored people” mean?
   __________________________________________________________________

3. Do you understand the connotation(意涵) of the term “colored people”?
   __________________________________________________________________

4. “BarackObama is the 44th president of the United States and the first African-American president in American history.” (http://www.who2.com/ask/barackobama.html)

Why did the above sentence use the word “African American” to describe President Obama not the “black”? Do you know the meanings of the three words, Negro, Black, and African-American?
__________________________________________________________________

5. The Taiwanese natives used to be called hillbillies (生番) and mountaineers(山地人). But now they are called Taiwanese natives (原住民). Do you know why?
   ___________________________________________________________________

6. Do you think it is appropriate to discriminate people who are different from us?
   __________________________________________________________________

7. 「人權演說經典篇」課前活動學習單(美容科)

A Pre-reading Worksheet for the Speeches by Martin Luther King, Barack Obama, and John Kennedy

班級：座號：姓名：______________

1. 請依膚色表列出世界上的三個主要的人種。

   膚色	人種（列出至少3國）

2. 我們是「有色人種」嗎？是哪一種膚色？身為這種膚色，你有什麼想法？
   __________________________________________________________________

3. 這世界上，曾經有人對「有色人種」有歧視，你對這種現象的看法如何？
   __________________________________________________________________

4. 你覺得「有色人種」的人權應該被剝奪嗎？說說看你覺得人權與正義的關係為何？
   __________________________________________________________________

5. 你知道「生番」、「山地人」是我們以前用來稱呼台灣的「原住民」嗎？這三種稱呼的演變代表什麼人權意義呢？

__________________________________________________________________

6. 台灣原住民有否如美國黑人般地被歧視、被隔離與迫害？就你所知，簡要描述一下。
   ________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

「人權演說經典篇」課程中學習單(應外科)

AWhile-reading Worksheet for the Speeches by Martin Luther King, Barack Obama, and John Kennedy

班級：座號：姓名：

I. Vocabulary.

The words below will facilitate your understanding of the three speeches. Please fill in the Chinese meaningand write the sentence that contains the word in the speeches.

Item	Vocabulary	Chinese	The sentence contains the word
1.	inauguration
2.	conviction
3.	segregation
4.	patriotism
5.	discrimination
6.	Negro
7.	alliance
8.	poverty
9.	revolution
10.	sacrifice
11	oath
12	humility
13	heritage
14	grace
15	forbears
16	liberty
17	pledge
18	injustice
19	prosperity
20	obligation

II. Who said this ( M: Martin Luther King, Jr.; O: Barack Obama; K: John F Kennedy)

	1.	So let us begin anew – remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
	2.	They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions; greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.
	3.	We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: “For Whites Only.”
	4.	…we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve…
	5.	My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what, together, we can do for the freedom of man.
	6.	This is the meaning of our liberty and out creed－why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall…
	7.	I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.
	8.	The time has come to reaffirm that precious gift, that noble idea, passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.
	9.	And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true. And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.
	10.	United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do – for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

III. Questions

1. What is the main concept on human rights in Dr. Martin Luther King’s speech?
   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

2. Which sentence or passage impresses you most in Dr. Martin Luther King’s speech? Why?
   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

3. What is the main concept on human rights in President Kennedy’s speech?
   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

4. Which sentence or passage impresses you most in President Kennedy’s speech? Why?
   _________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

5. What is the main concept on human rights in President Obama’s speech?
   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

6. Which sentence or passage impresses you most in President Kennedy’s speech? Why?

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

Optional questions. The instructor can decide whether or not to do the following questions based on the level of the students’ ability.

7. How will you put into practice what you learnt from reading the three speeches about human rights?

_________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

8. Comparing with the three speeches, do you think that the development of civil rights in Taiwan is smoother and advanced? Why? Please give an example to explain how you feel about the development of human right in Taiwan.
   ______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

「人權演說經典篇」課後活動學習單(應外科/美容科)

An After-reading Worksheet for the Speeches by Martin Luther King, Barack Obama, and John Kennedy

班級：座號：姓名：

1. 三位美國名人演講稿間，有關正義人權的理念有何異同處?與文化、時代變革的關係為何？

2. 三位美國名人中，你最欣賞哪一位?為什麼?

3. 上完本單元的課程，你會如何應用「正義與人權」的觀念於你的生活中？請舉一個例子說明。

4. 最近很夯的話題，是由導演魏德聖依據霧社事件所拍製的電影「賽德克．巴萊」，請問導演在電影中對於「正義與人權」議題所要表達的意涵為何？

5. 「賽德克．巴萊」對於你在「正義與人權」的觀念上的啟示為何？

6. 電影「賽德克．巴萊」與我們所閱讀的三位美國名人的演說中，有關「正義與人權」有哪些相同的理念？或有哪些差異性呢？請簡要列出。

小組互評回饋單(應外科)

評量組別			成員
受評組別			成員
模仿對象
評量項目	發音語調	語言準確		表達流暢	態度精神		造型效果
正向回饋
改進建議

參考資料：

【Source from: http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mlkihaveadream.htm】

I Have ADream

by Martin Luther King

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

F

圖片來源：elizabethgage.ca

ive score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksand’s of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone. And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."¹

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today! I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."2

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

【Source from: http://www.guardian.co.uk/theguardian/2007/apr/22/greatspeeches】

Ask Not What Your Country Can Do For You

by John F. Kennedy

_Vi ce President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom - symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning - signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.

T

圖片來源：texasgopvote.com

he world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe - the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.

We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans - born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage - and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.

Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.

This much we pledge - and more.

To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do - for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.

To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom - and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.

To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required - not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.

To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge - to convert our good words into good deeds - in a new alliance for progress - to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.

To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support - to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective - to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak - and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.

Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.

We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.

But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course - both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.

So let us begin anew - remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.

Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.

Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms - and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.

Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah - to "undo the heavy burdens -. and to let the oppressed go free."

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.

All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.

In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.

Now the trumpet summons us again - not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are - but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation" - a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?

In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility - I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it -- and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you - ask what you can do for your country.

My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.

Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.

Source from: http://www.famousquotes.me.uk/speeches/John_F_Kennedy/5.htm

Inaugural Address

by President Barack Hussein Obama

_My fellow citizens: I stand here today humbled by the task before us, grateful for the trust you've bestowed, mindful of the sacrifices borne by our ancestors.

I thank President Bush for his service to our nation --- as well as the generosity and cooperation he has shown throughout this transition.

圖片來源：scotterb.wordpress.com

Forty-four Americans have now taken the presidential oath. The words have been spoken during rising tides of prosperity and the still waters of peace. Yet, every so often, the oath is taken amidst gathering clouds and raging storms. At these moments, America has carried on not simply because of the skill or vision of those in high office, but because we, the people, have remained faithful to the ideals of our forebears and true to our founding documents. So it has been; so it must be with this generation of Americans.

That we are in the midst of crisis is now well understood. Our nation is at war against a far-reaching network of violence and hatred. Our economy is badly weakened, a consequence of greed and irresponsibility on the part of some, but also our collective failure to make hard choices and prepare the nation for a new age. Homes have been lost, jobs shed, businesses shuttered. Our health care is too costly, our schools fail too many -- and each day brings further evidence that the ways we use energy strengthen our adversaries and threaten our planet.

These are the indicators of crisis, subject to data and statistics. Less measurable, but no less profound, is a sapping of confidence across our land; a nagging fear that America's decline is inevitable, that the next generation must lower its sights.

Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They are serious and they are many. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. But know this America: They will be met. On this day, we gather because we have chosen hope over fear, unity of purpose over conflict and discord. On this day, we come to proclaim an end to the petty grievances and false promises, the recriminations and worn-out dogmas that for far too long have strangled our politics. We remain a young nation. But in the words of Scripture, the time has come to set aside childish things. The time has come to reaffirm our enduring spirit; to choose our better history; to carry forward that precious gift, that noble idea passed on from generation to generation: the God-given promise that all are equal, all are free, and all deserve a chance to pursue their full measure of happiness.

In reaffirming the greatness of our nation we understand that greatness is never a given. It must be earned. Our journey has never been one of short-cuts or settling for less. It has not been the path for the faint-hearted, for those that prefer leisure over work, or seek only the pleasures of riches and fame. Rather, it has been the risk-takers, the doers, the makers of things -- some celebrated, but more often men and women obscure in their labor -- who have carried us up the long rugged path towards prosperity and freedom.

For us, they packed up their few worldly possessions and traveled across oceans in search of a new life. For us, they toiled in sweatshops, and settled the West, endured the lash of the whip, and plowed the hard earth. For us, they fought and died in places like Concord and Gettysburg, Normandy and Khan Shan. Time and again these men and women struggled and sacrificed and worked till their hands were raw so that we might live a better life. They saw America as bigger than the sum of our individual ambitions, greater than all the differences of birth or wealth or faction.

This is the journey we continue today. We remain the most prosperous, powerful nation on Earth. Our workers are no less productive than when this crisis began. Our minds are no less inventive, our goods and services no less needed than they were last week, or last month, or last year. Our capacity remains undiminished. But our time of standing pat, of protecting narrow interests and putting off unpleasant decisions -- that time has surely passed. Starting today, we must pick ourselves up, dust ourselves off, and begin again the work of remaking America.

For everywhere we look, there is work to be done. The state of our economy calls for action, bold and swift. And we will act, not only to create new jobs, but to lay a new foundation for growth. We will build the roads and bridges, the electric grids and digital lines that feed our commerce and bind us together. We'll restore science to its rightful place, and wield technology's wonders to raise health care's quality and lower its cost. We will harness the sun and the winds and the soil to fuel our cars and run our factories. And we will transform our schools and colleges and universities to meet the demands of a new age. All this we can do. All this we will do.

Now, there are some who question the scale of our ambitions, who suggest that our system cannot tolerate too many big plans. Their memories are short, for they have forgotten what this country has already done, what free men and women can achieve when imagination is joined to common purpose, and necessity to courage. What the cynics fail to understand is that the ground has shifted beneath them, that the stale political arguments that have consumed us for so long no longer apply.

The question we ask today is not whether our government is too big or too small, but whether it works -- whether it helps families find jobs at a decent wage, care they can afford, a retirement that is dignified. Where the answer is yes, we intend to move forward. Where the answer is no, programs will end. And those of us who manage the public's dollars will be held to account, to spend wisely, reform bad habits, and do our business in the light of day, because only then can we restore the vital trust between a people and their government.

Nor is the question before us whether the market is a force for good or ill. Its power to generate wealth and expand freedom is unmatched. But this crisis has reminded us that without a watchful eye, the market can spin out of control. The nation cannot prosper long when it favors only the prosperous. The success of our economy has always depended not just on the size of our gross domestic product, but on the reach of our prosperity, on the ability to extend opportunity to every willing heart -- not out of charity, but because it is the surest route to our common good.

As for our common defense, we reject as false the choice between our safety and our ideals. Our Founding Fathers --- our Founding Fathers, faced with perils that we can scarcely imagine, drafted a charter to assure the rule of law and the rights of man -- a charter expanded by the blood of generations. Those ideals still light the world, and we will not give them up for expedience sake.

And so, to all the other peoples and governments who are watching today, from the grandest capitals to the small village where my father was born, know that America is a friend of each nation, and every man, woman and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity. And we are ready to lead once more.

Recall that earlier generations faced down fascism and communism not just with missiles and tanks, but with the sturdy alliances and enduring convictions. They understood that our power alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please. Instead they knew that our power grows through its prudent use; our security emanates from the justness of our cause, the force of our example, the tempering qualities of humility and restraint.

We are the keepers of this legacy. Guided by these principles once more we can meet those new threats that demand even greater effort, even greater cooperation and understanding between nations. We will begin to responsibly leave Iraq to its people and forge a hard-earned peace in Afghanistan. With old friends and former foes, we'll work tirelessly to lessen the nuclear threat, and roll back the specter of a warming planet.

We will not apologize for our way of life, nor will we waver in its defense. And for those who seek to advance their aims by inducing terror and slaughtering innocents, we say to you now that our spirit is stronger and cannot be broken -- you cannot outlast us, and we will defeat you.

For we know that our patchwork heritage is a strength, not a weakness. We are a nation of Christians and Muslims, Jews and Hindus, and non-believers. We are shaped by every language and culture, drawn from every end of this Earth; and because we have tasted the bitter swill of civil war and segregation, and emerged from that dark chapter stronger and more united, we cannot help but believe that the old hatreds shall someday pass; that the lines of tribe shall soon dissolve; that as the world grows smaller, our common humanity shall reveal itself; and that America must play its role in ushering in a new era of peace.

To the Muslim world, we seek a new way forward, based on mutual interest and mutual respect. To those leaders around the globe who seek to sow conflict, or blame their society's ills on the West, know that your people will judge you on what you can build, not what you destroy.

To those who cling to power through corruption and deceit and the silencing of dissent, know that you are on the wrong side of history, but that we will extend a hand if you are willing to unclench your fist.

To the people of poor nations, we pledge to work alongside you to make your farms flourish and let clean waters flow; to nourish starved bodies and feed hungry minds. And to those nations like ours that enjoy relative plenty, we say we can no longer afford indifference to the suffering outside our borders, nor can we consume the world's resources without regard to effect. For the world has changed, and we must change with it.

As we consider the role that unfolds before us, we remember with humble gratitude those brave Americans who at this very hour patrol far-off deserts and distant mountains. They have something to tell us, just as the fallen heroes who lie in Arlington whisper through the ages.

We honor them not only because they are the guardians of our liberty, but because they embody the spirit of service -- a willingness to find meaning in something greater than themselves.

And yet at this moment, a moment that will define a generation, it is precisely this spirit that must inhabit us all. For as much as government can do, and must do, it is ultimately the faith and determination of the American people upon which this nation relies. It is the kindness to take in a stranger when the levees break, the selflessness of workers who would rather cut their hours than see a friend lose their job which sees us through our darkest hours. It is the firefighter's courage to storm a stairway filled with smoke, but also a parent's willingness to nurture a child that finally decides our fate.

Our challenges may be new. The instruments with which we meet them may be new. But those values upon which our success depends -- honesty and hard work, courage and fair play, tolerance and curiosity, loyalty and patriotism -- these things are old. These things are true. They have been the quiet force of progress throughout our history.

What is demanded, then, is a return to these truths. What is required of us now is a new era of responsibility -- a recognition on the part of every American that we have duties to ourselves, our nation and the world; duties that we do not grudgingly accept, but rather seize gladly, firm in the knowledge that there is nothing so satisfying to the spirit, so defining of our character than giving our all to a difficult task.

This is the price and the promise of citizenship. This is the source of our confidence -- the knowledge that God calls on us to shape an uncertain destiny. This is the meaning of our liberty and our creed, why men and women and children of every race and every faith can join in celebration across this magnificent mall; and why a man whose father less than 60 years ago might not have been served in a local restaurant can now stand before you to take a most sacred oath.

So let us mark this day with remembrance of who we are and how far we have traveled. In the year of America's birth, in the coldest of months, a small band of patriots huddled by dying campfires on the shores of an icy river. The capital was abandoned. The enemy was advancing. The snow was stained with blood. At the moment when the outcome of our revolution was most in doubt, the father of our nation ordered these words to be read to the people:

"Let it be told to the future world...that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet [it]."

America: In the face of our common dangers, in this winter of our hardship, let us remember these timeless words. With hope and virtue, let us brave once more the icy currents, and endure what storms may come. Let it be said by our children's children that when we were tested we refused to let this journey end, that we did not turn back nor did we falter; and with eyes fixed on the horizon and God's grace upon us, we carried forth that great gift of freedom and delivered it safely to future generations.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America.

【Source from: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2009/01/20/president-obamas-inaugura_n_159370.html?ref=obama-inauguration】